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马来西亚的Najib Razak努力包含腐败丑闻

The prime minister asserts his authority by firing his deputy and attorney general, but big questions remain about $682 million in “donations.”

泄露的文件表明,国有投资基金的数亿美元最终在纳吉·拉塔克总理的银行账户中最终结束。突然发布了总理的副和继承人明显,以及律师将军,他正在导致善战调查。前U.K.总理戈登布朗嫂子的逮捕令website在案件中发表了一系列据称泄露的文件。

在过去的五个星期里,马来西亚人一直在唤醒更加努力的最高政府可能腐败的头条新闻。当政府的反腐败委员会宣布总理账户的资金不是来自国家投资基金但是来自中东捐助者而言,本周早些时候又戏剧了另一个戏剧性的转折。然而,最新披露的危机远未提出新的问题:中东谁将希望捐赠6.82亿美元,为什么金钱在总理的个人账户中最终?

纳吉被承认接受资金但已拒绝解释他们,否认为批评者剥夺了批评,并在批评者中抨击,说他们正在寻求破坏他的政府。虽然他在政府内部的沉默批评者与内阁重组可以在长远的短期内加强他的手,但他们尚未在2009年接受总理以来对其权力的最大威胁。

8月5日,马来西亚反腐败委员会(MACC)表示,它会要求Najib解释捐款。The prime minister faces calls to resign from Mahathir Mohamad, who ruled the Southeast Asian nation with an iron hand from 1981 to 2003 and remains a powerful influence within Najib’s United Malays National Organization (UMNO), the leading party in the ruling Barisan Nasional (National Front) coalition. With new disclosures and rumors surfacing almost daily, few are willing to predict how the crisis will end.

“The sheer scale and audacity of what we have seen in the past few days is unprecedented,” says Ooi Kee Beng, deputy director of the Singapore-based Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

The controversy arose out of an investigation into a troubled state investment fund, 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB). Najib expanded 1MDB shortly after he assumed office, making it a strategic investment fund aimed at fostering long-term economic development. The prime minister chairs the fund’s advisory board. The fund quickly amassed major debts — as much as $12 billion — through bond issues to finance the purchases of power plants in Malaysia and overseas, many of which were made at inflated prices, critics contend.

On July 2 theWall Street Journal沙拉瓦报道据报道,一位由Clare Rewcastle Brown,Gordon Brown的嫂子经营的网站发现,调查人员发现证据表明,6.82亿美元已接触到他们认为是Najib的个人账户。Sarawak报告还发表了它声称的是一个费用表此后,律师Abdul GaniPata掌一直在起草,以媒体的侵犯刑事指控,并挪用对Najib的资金。

7月底,副总理Muhyddin Yassin呼吁Najib解释1MDB的情况并解决安装炒作。两天后,7月28日,Najib烧成了Muhyiddin,以及律师委员会甘地;Shafie Apdal,乌诺高级部长和副总裁;还有几个其他内阁部长,在马来西亚政界被称为“星期二下午大屠杀”。

新的律师将军,保守的前法官和乌诺官员被视为纳吉盟友的保守党奥地蒂阿里,已经将据称的收费表视为假货。自8月1日起,当局已拘留八名官员 - 从AG的办公室和来自MACC的七个官员举行 - 关于涉嫌与收费表相关的敏感文件泄漏的疑问。当局还向Rewcastle Brown发布了逮捕令,他从伦敦运营她的网站,坚持马来西亚没有理由将她引渡。

福利又提出了关于马来西亚长期央行总督,Zeti Akhtar Aziz的疑虑。Zeti是由Gani领导的四人特遣部队的一部分,这是调查1MDB的非法行为的指控。7月30日,两天后的“大屠杀”一位银行Negara Malaysia,中央银行的发言人觉得州长辞职的谣言否认。与此同时,警察督察Khalid Abu Bakar表示,警方可能会质疑Zeti和Macc副主任穆罕默德Shukri Abdul涉嫌泄露有关1MDB调查的信息。

工作队在政府组建后被解散,离开MACC和Negara以分别继续调查。然而,有些人对这些努力持怀疑态度。委员会委员会的伦敦风险咨询公司欧亚大陆集团伦敦政治分析师Ambika Ahuja表示,派遣律师一般“是涉及1MDB调查的信号。”Najib的政府在议会公共账户委员会通过将委员会的四名成员中的四名成员纳入总理的内阁,暂时停止暂时停止议院的公共账户委员会。

婚前和Najib占据林吉特和马来西亚债券的努力,近一半由外国投资者持有。林吉特一直是今年最糟糕的新兴亚洲货币,最近跌破3.80的水平,在1997年 - “98年亚洲金融危机中,当局在资本管制和固定挂钩中捍卫了美元的3.80水平。林吉特于8月6日达到3.9125美元。

“对1MDB调查人员的法律攻击性破坏了Najib在外国投资者之间的信誉,”Eurasia的Ahuja说。在伦敦先锋投资的新兴市场领导毛罗·罗托,回应了那些担忧。他说:“我们担心政治和经济和治理”,他说。

Mark Mobius Templeton Emerging Markets Group的执行董事长,对争议进行了积极的旋转。“在某种程度上,马来西亚发生的事情是一件好事,因为长期来说,它将使国家更加透明,”他说。“通过智能手机,Twitter和博客,每个人都不需要很长时间才能找到财务丑闻的详细信息。我们在巴西和其他新兴市场和现在的马来西亚看到这一点。“

Najib and his Barisan Nasional coalition barely won reelection in May 2013, losing the popular vote to a coalition headed by Anwar Ibrahim by 53 percent to 47 percent but winning a majority in Parliament thanks to the overrepresentation of the country’s rural areas in the chamber. The government did particularly well in the southern state of Johor, as well as in the East Malaysian state of Sabah. Muhyiddin hails from Johor; Shafie hails from Sabah.

Manu Bhaskaran是华盛顿战略咨询公司百年百年小集团新加坡盟友百年纪念集团集团截至集团的历史亚洲经济学家和CENO,Manu Bhaskaran,Manu Bhaskaran Manu Bhaskaran Manu Bhaskaran表示,最新的披露和纳吉威胁到统计们并破坏其受欢迎的支持。“副总理的袋装是大新闻,它将令人难以置疑,”他说。“特别是马来西亚人 - 特别是那些对1MDB丑闻而不是太困扰的农村地区,这已经是一个都是一个城市痴迷 - 现在可能意识到严重酝酿的东西。”

Eurasia’s Ahuja contends that Najib has strengthened his position in the short term even though the affair casts doubt on his ability to govern effectively over the longer term. “Najib’s approach to the scandal at 1MDB, combined with the fact that there is no easy mechanism to dislodge him from power, is working in his favor,” she says.

迄今为止的披露还提出了关于政府监督1MDB的令人不安的问题。

由于投资基金没有从发电厂支付债券持有人的现金流量,因此政府将宝贵的房地产转移到1MDB,因为现在似乎是令牌的金额。例如,三年前,该基金从政府购买了70英亩的吉隆坡土地,旨在发展为金融中心,持续3.2亿林吉特(8200万美元)。最近几个月,附近的土地划分为每平方米的价格达到近20倍。作为财政部长,除了作为总理,纳吉批准政府土地销售之外,他还持有的投资组合。

1MDB已经投资了若干合资企业,其中包括沙特阿拉伯公司Petrosaudi International。该基金贡献了10亿美元的福利,1MDB Petrosaudi;Petrosaudi应该投入价值27亿美元的资产。但是,Petrosaudi无法获得资产。福利终止,但1MDB从未获得10亿美元的回归。

前总理马哈蒂尔最近表示,通过他的计算,27亿令吉的1MDB的金钱“未占”。为他们,1MDB高管争夺投资基金仅仅遇到临时的现金流量问题。虽然公司在债务中拥有120亿美元,但他们断言其资产价值133亿美元。

腐败指控和1MDB的麻烦是马来西亚的一个人。该国是亚洲唯一的石油出口经济,而石油有关的税收在原油价格上涨100美元的桶时产生了40%的政府收入。在过去一年的全球原油价格下降之后,此类征税现在仅限预算的28%,促使政府查找其他收入来源;它于4月施加了新的6%的商品和服务税。

“Consumers appear far more concerned about the effects of the recent introduction of the general sales tax on their spending power than any fallout from 1MDB,” London-based research firm Capital Economics said in a recent report. “The bigger threats to Malaysia’s economy lie elsewhere in the form of the slump in the currency, which has highlighted the country’s rapid build-up of U.S. dollar debt, and the decline in commodity prices, which has caused a collapse in export revenues.”

“马来西亚现在可能是亚洲最严重的经济,”香港纳西纳亚太奇首席经济学家Alicia Garcia-Herrero说。她估计,马来西亚的总债务占国内生产总值的220%,而印度尼西亚的88%。家庭债务在泰国的86%之前占GDP的宽容88%;家庭债务与收入的比例为146%,而泰国则为121%。

“Malaysia is not the only country where you have these issues, but到处都是else they are cleaning up the messwhile Malaysia keeps building the mess,” says Garcia-Herrero. She argues that Malaysia’s big problem is complacency: “They have always thought of themselves as a middle-income economy with higher per capita income that didn’t have the sort of problems that Indonesia had.”

如果美国联邦储备委员会在9月提出税率,因为许多分析师预期,金钱可能会从新兴亚洲经济中流出,马来西亚可能是百年百年的Bhaskaran表示最突破的。“纳吉需要解决腐败问题和恢复政治稳定的问题,”他说。然后政府可以为完成完成Trans-Pacific Partnership trade dealinvolving Japan, the U.S. and ten other nations, and “use it as a lever to push other economic reforms,” he adds.

Can Najib ride out the crisis and steer the economy back to health?

“The basic political structure in Malaysia is that it is not about a strongman, as it was in the case of Indonesia’s Suharto or Marcos in the Philippines,” says the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies’ Ooi. “It is about the entrenched strong party, UMNO, which is very hard to dislodge even when you have Mahathir and Muhyiddin and other former cabinet ministers” effectively opposing Najib.

Barring a no-confidence vote in Parliament or convincing evidence of corruption, it is difficult to remove a sitting prime minister, the academic notes. With the next election nearly three years away, he says, “Najib’s gamble is that if he can buy time, hopefully people would have forgotten 1MDB and the scandals.”

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