When a proposal to allow a casino in Singapore landed on Lee Hsien Loong’s desk in 2002, the then–deputy prime minister and Finance minister wasted little time in killing it. He fired off a missive to the head of the government’s tourism working group warning that casinos “could lead to undesirable activities like money laundering, illegal money lending and organized crime” and concluding that although “one can try to mitigate these effects, the long-term impact on social mores and attitudes is more insidious and harder to prevent.”
李的回绝几乎是一个惊喜。它反映了the uncompromising antigaming stance of his father, Singapore founder and longtime prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, who had worked assiduously to develop the city-state’s squeaky-clean image ever since independence in 1959.
然后在2005年4月年轻的李做了一个惊人的U-turn. Just eight months after his appointment as prime minister, he abandoned the government’s longstanding opposition and approved the opening of not one but two casinos. What was at stake, he argued, was not morality, but survival. Singapore’s share of Asian tourism arrivals had fallen from 8 percent in 1998 to 6 percent in 2002. By contrast, the former Portuguese colony of Macao, where gambling is the major attraction, was enjoying a boom. Last year tourist arrivals to Macao swelled by 40 percent, to 16.7 million — more than twice Singapore’s 8.3 million. Other Asian countries are also looking to open or expand casinos, while Hong Kong is hoping to lure leisure travelers with a Disneyland theme park that opened last year. Unless Singapore could come up with its own attractions, it risked losing out in the world’s fastest-growing tourism market.
李爵士在赌场解释说，根本没有赌博。在最近在他的办公室在ISTANA的附件采访中，殖民时代总统府在繁华的乌节路购物区占地100英亩的郁郁葱葱的地面，他告诉机构投资者，“最终，我们决定这样做，因为，亚博赞助欧冠正如我们更好地了解这些度假村的运作方式，拉斯维加斯的方式以及旅游业在亚洲正在开发的方式，所以很明显，这不仅仅是我们正在进行的加法，但如果我们没有这样做，我们可能是在比赛中。“
Such pragmatism is a Lee trademark — and a key ingredient in Singapore’s transformation in the space of two generations from a poor colonial port to one of the world’s wealthiest cities, with a per capita income of $28,940, ahead of Hong Kong ($26,565) and not too far behind Italy ($29,014) and Japan ($34,590), according to the International Monetary Fund. The secret of the Lion City’s extraordinary success, Lee says, is “a willingness to work hard, make changes and adapt to the world as it is and not as we wish it to be.”
在很大程度上得益于这种态度,Singapore’s economic prospects today are brighter than they have been in years. The government recently upgraded the outlook for growth this year to between 6.5 and 7.5 percent, from an earlier forecast of 4 to 6 percent.
不过,新加坡不能掉以轻心。Competition from China and India is growing by the day, and recent economic gains, although impressive, have failed to touch the lives of many Singaporeans. The poorest 20 percent of the population saw their incomes fall nearly 15 percent in nominal terms between 1998 and 2003, to an average of 795 Singapore dollars ($506) a month, government figures show. Like policymakers around the world, Lee and his ruling People’s Action Party are aiming to restructure the economy while cushioning the impact on older, less qualified workers, who are being displaced as Singapore moves into higher-valued-added industries and services. Lee calls this “churn” one of the country’s biggest challenges.
“秘书”新加坡民主党秘书长朱安议员说，政府未能见面的挑战是一项挑战。“他们在吸管上抓着，”Chee告诉II。“如果我们不得不诉诸赌场试图支撑经济，我认为我们比政府放在了更多的麻烦。”
新加坡肯定在五年前遇到麻烦。2001年，城市州自独立以来经历了最严重的经济衰退。经济萎缩2.3％，失业率为4.7％的15年高。该国仍然从1997年 - 98年亚洲金融危机中卷入了纽约9月9月恐怖主义袭击的全球经济衰退时遭到DOT-COM泡沫的爆发。
全球经济景观的构造变化加剧了经济衰退。中国崛起的世界研讨会对新加坡制造基地构成了威胁，该基地占了十年后的四分之一的GDP。工厂产量于2001年收于11.6％，电子部门投入21.4％。全球化也为国家服务部门带来了外包压力。2000年至2005年间在新加坡下岗的每十名工人中有四名在服务中。
To draft new strategies, then–prime minister Goh Chok Tong in late 2001 appointed Lee to chair an economic review committee. One year later that body recommended that Singapore transform itself into a knowledge-based economy driven by creativity, innovation and entrepreneurial spirit. Singapore should become “the most open and cosmopolitan city in Asia,” the committee said. More recently, Lee has said Singapore needs to create the “X-factor — that buzz that you get in London, Paris and New York.”
The country isn’t ignoring the needs of multinational companies in industry and services, which have fueled development here for the past 40 years, but future growth will increasingly depend on new markets. Lee’s economic committee recommended focusing on segments such as wealth management, medical tourism for wealthy Asians in need of hospital treatment, elite education for the region’s best brains and biomedical sciences. Those sectors are already kicking in: Emerging service industries have grown at about 11 percent a year since 2000, and they contributed 10 percent of GDP in 2005, up from 6 percent in 2002.
新加坡作为财富管理中心的出现是更加值得注意的成功案例之一。私人银行资产在过去三年中每年增加20％。瑞士巨人信贷瑞士斯已决定在新加坡举行国际私人银行业务，在两次可能在两到三年内到达1,000人的举动。
“Where Singapore is building an advantage is in private wealth,” says Peter Douglas, founder of hedge fund consulting firm GFIA and head of the Singapore chapter of the Alternative Investment Management Association. “The product decisions for a lot of the world’s biggest private banks are being made in Singapore.”
新加坡也取得了成功吸引对冲基金。The Monetary Authority of Singapore, the country’s central bank and chief regulator, says there are now more than 100 hedge funds in the city-state, up from less than 20 before 2001. Douglas estimates that these funds manage between $20 billion and $25 billion in assets.
The economic resurgence means that “in the short to medium term, the government has adjusted the economy quite effectively,” says Garry Rodan, a Singapore expert and professor of political science at the Asia Research Centre at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia.
仍然，长期迎接两个关键挑战。首先是如何通过重组到更高增值活动来帮助留下的人。失业率仅为3.4％，远低于2001年的高峰，但对于超过40岁的非熟练工人，速度几乎是高度的两倍。
Under a so-called progress package, the government handed out S$2.6 billion in cash to Singaporeans in April — just weeks before the general election — with payments weighted to the needy. But Lee acknowledges that the move “doesn’t solve the problem fundamentally. If you want to solve the problem fundamentally, you have to continue to create jobs which this group have a hope of learning to do.”
Thus the decision to allow two casinos, each of which will anchor what Singapore calls integrated resorts. The first, to be built in Marina Bay near the city’s financial center, is due to open by 2009; the other will be on the island resort of Sentosa, about 20 minutes south of the center. Together they are expected to cost S$5 billion, generate as much as 2 percent of GDP in revenue and create some 10,000 jobs directly and as many as 25,000 more indirectly.
那些预期经济效益”设置新加坡to be a relative outperformer in Asia over the next three years,” says Christopher Gee, head of Singapore research at JPMorgan Chase Bank.
A bigger question is whether Singapore’s tradition of top-down development and strong central control can foster the open, innovative, entrepreneurial economy that Lee envisions. The government exerts a strong influence over the local economy, controlling five of the ten largest companies on the Singapore Exchange, including such blue chips as Singapore Telecom and DBS Group Holdings, one of the country’s top banks.
新加坡的侵略性海外投资策略也在产生一些政治紧张局势。国有淡马锡持股 - 由Lee's Wife，Ho Ching - 在泰国和中国的近期购买占领了Flak。When a consortium led by Temasek bought Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s 49.6 percent stake in telecommunications group Shin Corp. for $1.87 billion in January, it triggered political turmoil in Thailand because Thaksin paid no capital gains tax on the sale and because he was seen as putting a key national asset in foreign hands. Lee and his wife were burned in effigy on Bangkok’s streets, and Temasek’s stakes in Shin and a broadcasting subsidiary, iTV, have since plummeted in value. Antiforeign sentiment in China recently prompted Beijing to halve the Bank of China stake it had agreed to sell to Temasek, to 5 percent.
“In Asia there’s a tendency to see Singapore as a bull in a china shop that doesn’t think things through before it does them,” says Singapore-based independent risk management consultant Bruce Gale.
反对党政治家慈姑批评人民行动党，这一政府得到了自独立以来的国家，以拥有他所说的威权与动态社会的发展不相容。在二月宣布破产后宣布破产，因为李宽迎头和前总理戈科塘在2001年选举活动期间发表的诽谤诉讼之后，赔偿诽谤诉讼之后损失了50万美元。判决后，CHEE宣读了一个陈述质疑司法机构的完整性，并在藐视法庭的藐视法中被定罪，并在监狱判处八天。Chee和他的妹妹Chee Siok Chin，目前面临着由李总理和他的父亲在新加坡民主党报纸上提出的诽谤诉讼，这些报纸将腐败丑闻与新加坡的国家受管家的方式联系起来。
前美国大使在去年10月的告别地址上的自由讲话中提出了限制，称政府将“不允许允许全民参与其公民支付更远的价格”。上个月早期，政府宣布对远东经济审查，国际先驱论坛，金融时报，新闻周刊和时间杂志的更严格控制。为了在该国继续流通，出版物各自要求在诉讼的情况下发布200,000美元的保证金，并指定城市中的法律代表，以获得任何法律行动。远东经济审查发表了一篇关于奇恩题为“新加坡烈士”的文章的举动，举动即将发布。
一世n August the government announced that its strict laws on protests — which require police permits for gatherings of more than four people outdoors — would not be relaxed during this month’s IMF-World Bank meetings. Police chief of staff Soh Wai Wah said the risk of terrorism justified the measure.
世界银行官员正在寻求与新加坡当局允许抗议活动的最后一个月谈判妥协。“银行对这些会议和所有其他会议的偏好一直是寻求民间社会的空间，并在一份声明中彼得斯蒂芬斯说，”银行的东亚洲发言人彼得斯蒂芬斯在一份声明中说。“仍然是我们首选的职位。”
Lee dismisses criticism of the government’s stance toward dissent. In words that echo his father’s past extolling of “Asian values,” he insists that Singapore has the right model for its multiethnic society. “What you are looking for is not excitement in politics but the system which will give the country good government, stability, prosperity and progress,” he says.
Creating an innovative and entrepreneurial society is a long-haul challenge, Lee acknowledges, but he contends that the government is making progress. Schools are fostering a “spirit of vibrancy, of inquiry, of debate, of people being willing to speak up,” he says. The tiny city-state also has made a good start in promoting business innovation, he says, citing pioneers such as Sim Wong Hoo’s Creative Technology, the maker of the Sound Blaster system used in personal computers.
The prime minister and his team aren’t just waiting for homegrown talent to sprout. They are trying to jump-start the process by attracting some of the world’s best brains to Singapore. Recent recruits include David Lane, co-discoverer of the p53 gene that is found in half of all cancers, from the University of Dundee in Scotland. The government is more than doubling its spending on research and development over the next five years, to S$12 billion, and it has awarded grants and scholarships to more than 500 of Singapore’s best and brightest to study at top U.S. and European universities.
Will Lee’s gamble — seeking to foster an entrepreneurial economy while moving very slowly to loosen the apron strings of Singapore’s nanny state — pay off?
顾问大风奇迹奇迹，新加坡是否可以长期成功，没有更多的政治自由化，但他承认“人们一直说这将失败很长一段时间，新加坡仍然非常成功。成功争论很难。“默多克大学罗丹教授表示，政府的挑战是“重振新加坡人的能力 - 这不是一件简单的事情。”
但新加坡面临其面前的挑战份额并成功。当李乐迎兴在20世纪60年代抛出城市州的外国投资时，很少有人想象它将成为世界上最成功和最富裕的国家之一。随着这轨道的记录，今天投资者在年轻的李和新加坡投注严肃的钱并不奇怪，这并不奇怪。一世
从顶部查看：与李总理的采访
1983年1月，拖出海上的石油船架在将新加坡连接到圣淘沙岛度假村的缆车系统中纠缠在一起。两辆缆车陷入了海洋，杀死了七个人，而另外13人在高风，雷声和闪电中岌岌可危。Lee Hsien Loong，然后是一名30岁的上校和新加坡空军救援上级的员工主任，迅速跳进行动。他组织了一个精致的六小时直升机救援，其中驾驶员绞死，并将恐怖的乘客拆除了安全。
Ever since then, it seems, Lee, now prime minister, has been called on when Singapore faces a crisis. In 1985, one year after entering Parliament and serving as junior minister in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, he was put in charge of a committee charged with steering Singapore out of a severe recession. His recommendation to cut corporate taxes and slash employers’ contributions to the country’s mandatory pension scheme helped the economy rebound quickly.
一世n early 1998, Lee’s father, Lee Kuan Yew, then senior minister, called on his son to revamp the city-state’s overregulated and uncompetitive financial services sector. Lee eased regulations, promoted asset management, urged the stock and futures exchanges to merge and set in motion the deregulation of brokerage commissions, all of which helped spur dramatic growth in the financial sector. More recently, Lee chaired a separate committee that helped the country bounce back from its 2001 recession by devising strategies to cope with the globalization of service sector jobs and the rapid rise of China as a manufacturing powerhouse (see story).
Thus, when Lee became prime minister — the country’s third, after his father and Goh Chok Tong — in August 2004, he was seen as an ultrasafe pair of hands to take the helm. “Lee Hsien Loong has not been in the back seat for the past ten or 15 years,” says Garry Rodan, an expert on Singapore politics at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia. “He’s been in charge of the major economic portfolios, and he has been deputy prime minister, and he has had a significant say in most major policies. He is on a trajectory that was largely set before he became prime minister.”
李也面临着个人生活中的主要危机。1982年，他失去了他的第一任妻子，王明阳，在她生下第二个孩子后三周内心脏病发作。十年后，李被诊断出患有结肠癌;他经历了三个月的强化化疗，并在五年后获得了干净的卫生费用。
He married Ho Ching, a Stanford University–educated electrical engineer, in late 1985; they have two sons. Ho ran defense contractor Singapore Technologies for five years before being appointed chief executive of giant state investment company Temasek Holdings in 2002.
他的父亲培养了Lee对政治的兴趣，他于1959年创立了现代新加坡，并担任31年的总理。当该男孩11岁时，李宽伊斯邦开始带着他的儿子参加选区访问。1974年毕业于剑桥大学，毕业于剑桥大学，在数学的一流学位。他于1981年获得了哈佛大学的公共行政硕士学位，然后加入新加坡武装部队，在1984年进入政治之前升起成为一支旅行者。
6月下旬，李某，54岁，会见了机构投资者编辑Michael Ca亚博赞助欧冠rroll和Hong Kang Hamlin首席凯文哈姆林，讨论了影响新加坡和全球经济的关键问题。
亚博赞助欧冠机构投资者：新加坡过去40年的发展一直是一个非凡的故事，你必须为之骄傲。这个成功故事的关键要素是什么？
李：嗯，首先，我们不得不为我们的生活而战。这是一个明亮的，因为它让每个人都在一起工作并使这个地方工作。其次，我认为愿意努力工作，使变化变动并适应世界，而不是我们希望它。第三，我们努力工作努力作为一个国家，作为一个国家队，因为世界足够复杂而没有内部并发症。随着多种族和多丑的社会，我们的社会和谐地居住在一起至关重要，以便我们可以在一起解决我们的问题。第四，我会说领导。第一代团队在承诺和技能方面是特殊的。他们更新自己并带来了新的领导者，以便我们没有变老，成为一个长长的传统。最后，我会说正确的政策。我们提供免费市场，自由贸易和外国投资。 We decided that it was more important to create wealth than to redistribute in a socialist sort of way. So we were able to make this economy succeed and give everybody a stake and a share of this success. The challenge now is to keep it going.
新加坡的经济成功故事是否为其他发展中国家提供了课程？
We are very hesitant to set ourselves up as a “city upon a hill.” We are small; our circumstances are very special. We succeeded, but it was not foreordained. Maybe if you talk about good governance or rational economic policies or absence of corruption, these are principles which apply to everybody. How you work them out in each country, how you get the political consensus to implement them — that, you have to decide country by country, because I don’t think our formula is exportable.
您如何评估全球经济和新加坡的前景？
一世f you look at the trends, the American economy is strong but slowing, with some concern of inflation. The saving grace is that the rest of the world is picking up some of the slack, at least in terms of growth. Japan is out of its problems. Europe is still very slow, but if you look at Germany at a micro level, things are improving. Asia itself will continue to grow. There’s a considerable momentum within China and India too. So I think that overall we are reasonably confident that things will carry on. What you don’t know is if there is some blowup or some incident in the Middle East which disrupts the energy supplies, and so you have a spike in prices and end up with a global recession.
You spoke recently about the danger of the rise of economic nationalism. Can you elaborate on that?
一世t’s a problem in a lot of countries. The result of very big new players coming into the global economy — China first and then India — will cause major shifts in the pattern of trade and considerable apprehension both for the Europeans and the Americans. It is a worry on the economic side as well as the strategic side. There’s always this pressure to hold back, to prevent a deal from going through when it is politically inconvenient. It happens with steel, it happens with agriculture, it happens with textiles. Mittal buying Arcelor — a highly fraught deal. Dubai Ports buying half a dozen ports in America caused an enormous explosion which even the administration didn’t expect. One American told me that the mail to congressmen was running ten-to-one against, so no congressman was going to stand up and say, “I believe in principles.” But the more we cave in to this and the less people understand that it’s good for countries to have stakes in one another, then I think the more the potential for friction, rivalry and, therefore, fragility in the globalized system. And that worries us greatly because we are small; we are completely dependent on a globalized system. I have to embrace globalization, and if having one partner is risky, I try to have more partners and find safety in numbers. I think that it’s the duty of the leaders to stand up and say, “The world is changing, and we have to change with it.” You have to find ways to make the message acceptable and to buffer the downside, but it’s your duty to do it. I think Angela Merkel is trying, the British are very much along this way. The Bush administration — well, this is the rhetoric, but when it comes to specific deals, sometimes it makes expedient trade-offs. What to do? That’s the reality of your political system.
Are you optimistic about the Doha round of world trade negotiations?
我们很担心，因为它看起来并不像星星在正确的地方。开放的美国情绪不强;欧洲的情绪完全没有。我觉得某种方式或其他方式，交易将被占用，但我担心它不会像我们所拥有的那样雄心勃勃的交易。
Five years after 9/11, how would you assess the security situation here in the region and in the world?
我们在恐怖战争中取得了进展。敲门al qaeda，并在东南亚敲掉恐怖分子。但问题没有结束，因为它变形。这不仅仅是一个集中的群体，而且是一种分散的病毒感染。去年的英国小组轰炸伦敦地下是土着的。他们讲述了约克郡的英语，出生于英格兰。加拿大团体也是土着土着，现在他们在本土中发现了一个芝加哥的一群。所以我认为病毒在空中，你无法阻止发生事故。What you have to do is make sure there’s confidence between the Muslim community and the non-Muslim community, and the Muslim community sees this as their responsibility, that these are people who do not represent the soul of Islam and we’ve got to reject them. You’ve got to condemn them. You’ve got to make quite clear that you stand differently from them and that we are all for progress and harmony and peace and living together. If you just go fighting the terrorists, you can make progress, but you can’t kill them off because really the seeds are upstream. It’s in the ideology, it’s in the preachers.
新加坡是一个早期的自由市场爱好者，但现在，正如你看到来自中国和印度的更大竞争，你如何保持领先？
我们仍然要去免费市场，因为如果我们闭上自己，试图靠自己的生活 - 300万，400万[人] - 我们将挨饿。这是不可能的。即使是美国也不能自行谋生。因此，您必须根据技能并基于一起执行的能力来基于人才的生活。在那里，我认为我们有一个优势，因为作为一个小国，我们可以做哪些巨大的大陆不能这样做。我们可以让每个人都在同一波长上，我们可以在需要时改变政策，如果我们需要携带人才并需要创造一种新的能力，我们可以集中资源，培养我们的人民并产生我们所需要的技能。
您认为新加坡经济在未来五年内最大的挑战是什么？
You need to be prepared to move out of old activities or transform the old activities at the same time as you bring new ones in. To bring new ones in, you need to train people in the new skills; you need to get your young people educated in the right disciplines and across the spectrum. But to get out of old activities, that’s another set of problems, because you can’t just say, “Well, the old jobs are gone, and these people are left on the streets.” You’ve got to be able to retrain them, to reskill them, to give them another career, to give them hope that this upgrading actually gives something for them too and they are not just thrown out. And that’s very tough. We just published our household survey. The bottom three deciles had no wage increase at all over ten years. I believe that for the unskilled workers it’s not easy to push the wages up, because if you try to push them up, the jobs will move elsewhere. This is a dramatically different pattern from what it was before the Asian crisis, when our nominal wages were going up maybe 9, 10 percent a year at every income decile. Now it’s a couple of percentage points per year, and if you look at the topmost segment — lawyers, bankers, accountants — they are doing very, very well.
A few years ago there was great concern about whether Singapore could compete with China. Yet manufacturing’s share of GDP has actually gone up in recent years. Can that continue?
You must assume that what you’re doing today they’ll be doing tomorrow and in some cases they’re already doing today. The Chinese ambition is not to be low-cost labor. The Chinese ambition is to improve the lives of their people, and in fact their wages are going up, and their skills are going up, and if you look at what the multinationals are doing, the kind of activities they’re putting into China now are not just sweatshops but also R&D centers. Take Microsoft. A couple of years ago when we were upgrading our computer systems in MAS [Monetary Authority of Singapore], we found that they were supporting us technically out of China, out of Shanghai.
So you must have skills which will match them, and you must have an environment which will match theirs or be better than theirs. And I think you can do that, because you can’t transform the whole of China overnight. If you’re talking about intellectual property rules, we can enforce them. If you’re talking about having a completely transparent environment for running a financial system, we can have that. If you want an incorrupt government so that everything works, you can do everything completely aboveboard, we can do that. The Chinese are striving for that, but it is not something they can do overnight.
You have said the decision to allow casinos into Singapore was the most difficult you have taken as prime minister. Why?
因为如果您正在做出优势清除并且意见不极化的决定，那么很容易做到。但这里的优势并不明确，但旷日不同者有有效的论点，我们自己已经订阅了很长时间。但现在世界正在发生变化，我们开始认为我们必须重新审视我们的立场。最终，我们决定这样做，因为我们明白这些度假村如何运作和拉斯维加斯的方式以及旅游业在亚洲发展方面的方式，所以很明显，这不仅仅是我们所采取的加法，但如果我们没有这样做，我们可能会离开游戏。所以我们真的没有很多选择。
So the question was, how then do I buffer my people? This is going to be on the Marina Bay front, right in the middle of the city. So it has to be a salubrious, decent place which I am going to be proud of. And if it looks like a seedy, rundown riverboat joint, I will have a problem. I will be very sorry for 60 years, at least.
您如何查看来自印度的竞争？
We wish that India will take off, because from Southeast Asia’s point of view, with India as well as China, it will be a more balanced pattern of development for Asia. And we think there are many opportunities in India opening up for us to link up with them. It will mean competition for us, but I think we can do business with them.
一世s Dubai, as it expands into port services, financial services and tourism, trying to steal Singapore’s rice bowl?
哦是的。他们没有说他们想要像新加坡一样，他们说他们已经超越了新加坡。嗯，我们在我们的步伐里拿走了这一点。我还没去过迪拜。我被告知它是一个仙境，到处都是 - 购物中心，酒店发芽。我认为他们会造成一些竞争。阿联酋航空公司是一家良好的航空公司。我们认真对待他们。
您是否看到迪拜的竞争是一个主要的经济挑战？
一世t depends on what segments you are talking about. If you are talking about tourism, we are in different parts of the world. In financial services, they are in a different time zone. But if you are talking about Islamic banking services, they will have some strengths to compete against us.
是新加坡的海外投资战略工作还是担心对某些国家的外国投资的反对急促？
一世f you are in the region, there are sensitivities. Even in America there could be sensitivities. When one Temasek company invested in Global Crossing, it went through the CFIUS [Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States] process. It was quite a delicate business maneuvering it through. But we accept that as one of the constraints. It’s partly because the owner is the Singapore government. But I would say it is not just that. Even if it were a Singapore private entity that size investing anywhere in Asia, it would be noted. In some parts of the world, it is a plus. I mean, if you invest in China, the Temasek imprimatur is worth something because if Temasek goes in, then it is a sign that Temasek has done its homework and believes that this is a serious proposition and financially viable. But there are other places where it raises sensitivities.
A good example would be Thailand [where a Temasek-led consortium bought 49.6 percent of Shin Corp.].
Yes. But in Thailand, of course, [Prime Minister] Thaksin’s enemies were out for him before Shin was sold. In fact, his family sold Shin in the hope of minimizing his problems with his enemies.
鉴于ITV发生了什么[Shin Corp.子公司的价值下降]，你认为回顾有一个错误吗？
你必须问淡马锡。我相信他们已经完成了他们的作业并评估了他们最糟糕的情况。我不认为他们期望赔钱。
Given what happened in Thailand, were there lessons learned that will prompt you to reformulate your overseas acquisition strategy?
不，我认为每次淡马锡进入，它都必须计算政治风险。这是一个商业决定，我们必须以这种方式运作，因为如果它成为政治决定，我们投资或不投资的政治原因，我认为这导致我们陷入更大的问题。决定必须是商业人员。如果你问淡马锡，我相信，这将包括允许他们跑步的政治困难。
Your People’s Action Party’s share of the vote declined in May’s general elections. Do you see that as a setback?
不，我没有。最后一次选举[2001年11月]是一个异常。我们有75％的投票，这是因为我们在9月11日之后立即举行，并且有一段安全措施。每个新加坡人都知道，在危机中，您希望PAP负责政府并负责新加坡。我们的目的不是造成危机，而是摆脱危机。在过去的五年里，我们已经成功了几次。这不仅仅是9/11，而且也是如此之后的SARS和其他问题。我们这次去选举，经济有两个强劲的增长，失业率下降，有信心。所以我们没有瞄准75％。六十六％是我们自1980年以来的最好的，除了2001年。所以我认为这是一个很好的任务。
33％的选民最终只有两个席位在议会中。这使得系统看起来有点不成绩吗？
The NCMP [nonconstituency members of Parliament, or seats allotted to leading opposition candidates] will have three. But it is not meant to be a proportional representation system. It is first past the post. It’s designed to produce a decisive outcome, so the government which is elected is able to govern the country and not have gridlock in Parliament.
What is important is that the PAP represents a broad mainstream of views. I don’t see the government’s responsibility as being to help the opposition to grow. There has to be a mechanism where they can express their views, speak up and present their alternatives. Their members of Parliament can do so in Parliament. It doesn’t depend on the number they have. It depends on whether they can articulate and present their arguments. Unfortunately, if you look at their performance over the last few years, they have not been offering alternatives.
The young seem to want faster change. In a recent local television program, a group of young Singaporeans told Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew that they wanted choice, political vibrancy and a media that can reflect both the views of the opposition as well as the ruling party. Is this a growing problem?
Well, I think there is some sentiment among the population which is reflected by that quote. But you would have read the transcript of the program or watched it and heard Minister Mentor’s explanations and replies, why he didn’t think that this was the whole story and why it is that there are constraints and limits and finally what you are looking for is not excitement in politics but the system which will give the country good government, stability, prosperity and progress. If you go for a system based on theoretical ideals, well, you can look around for examples where it has worked in Asia, and I think you will find it hard to come up with good examples. I mean, you have seen the Philippines. They have got the most comprehensive set of fair and balance, checks and restrictions you can think of.
Which was a gift to them . . .
From the U.S., which they were very grateful for. And they added to it after EDSA [the People Power mass protests that forced Ferdinand Marcos from power], but it hasn’t worked. They are trying to change to a prime ministerial system. Ramos tried, didn’t succeed. You look at Taiwan, and that’s got a very open system, completely open media, dozens of television stations. I’m not sure that’s a model you want to follow. Or you look at even at India. It is a democracy, but it works in a completely different way from Singapore. Now without Congress dominance, you have a coalition government with parties preventing it from doing things which are desperately needed for the country. So I don’t think if you look around Asia you will find very many examples of ideal democracies working according to the textbook as written by the Western liberals or by idealistic young Singaporeans who list the desiderata. But what we do have in Singapore is a system of democracy which works, adapted to our circumstances and where the system remains open and if you disagree with the government, you can come in, you can contest, you can speak up and be heard.
A former U.S. ambassador to Singapore [Frank Lavin] and financier George Soros said a similar thing — that prosperity has come at the cost of political freedom, and without such freedom Singapore will find it hard to compete in the 21st century. Do you agree?
我认为这取决于你正在寻找的东西。如果您正在寻找乔治索罗斯开放社会基金会将支持的东西，也许可能在东欧工作。
We have had a long-running argument with the U.S. government, more intense in earlier years, over media freedoms and where the boundaries lie. And at the time, when we acted against a group which the U.S. government was overtly supporting in the 1980s, we had a very strong exchange with them and we put it all on the record. And they used to say, “Why do you impose these limits? Why do you lock up people without trial?” That was before Guantánamo Bay and before George W. Bush objected to the New York Times publishing facts about financial transactions being secretly screened. Now perhaps we are not as far apart.
Singapore has been called the nanny state. How do you loosen up to encourage greater creativity and entrepreneurship?
That is a theoretical argument. What is true is that you do want a spirit of vibrancy, of inquiry, of debate, of people being willing to speak up. And if you look at our schools, you will find that, in fact, we have gone a long way toward doing this.
大气不是你所描述的那样：扼杀，紧张，纽扣，有人站在每一个最后的灯柱后面，试图找出正在发生的事情。花一些时间，走在街上，遇见新加坡人，跟他们说话。表达了各种视图。读他们的博客。有一位年轻的女士们有几分钟的成名，因为她参加了在外交部常任秘书的研讨会，她，[17岁的学生博主] Gayle Goh，写批评他。他回答说，和她交换了。这是一个非常文明的交流。我不认为他说服了她。而且我不认为她被束缚了。
一世n your personal life you’ve faced tragedies: the loss of your first wife and your own battle with cancer. How have these experiences influenced you?
You cannot go through something like that without it leaving a mark on you, and if after that you’re still a teenager, something is not quite right. But you have to move beyond that, and you have to deal with the world as it is and the problems which you face now, not what happened to you in the past. It affects your outlook. It affects the way people see you and empathize with you, which is helpful. But really, in life I think there will be very few people my age who haven’t had some personal crisis or other to go through. i
一个决心岛
As a port on the Strait of Malacca, one of the world’s major shipping lanes, Singapore has always been a vital crossroads. Trade has long defined the city-state’s economy, and a variety of ethnic, cultural and religious influences have shaped its society.
尺寸：692平方公里，大伦敦大小的一半
Population: 4.5 million
Ethnic makeup: 77 percent Chinese, 14 percent Malay, 8 percent Indian
Colonial era
1819年，由托马斯斯坦福德莱佛士爵士领导的英国东印度有限公司与Riau和Johore的苏丹签署了新加坡作为自由港口的协议。用中国，暹罗和越南繁荣的医学，茶，香料，米，鸦片和金属贸易。Raffles创建了一个城市计划，为主要民族的独立地区 - 一个概念，今天在公共住房的种族配额中存活。
一世n February 1942, Japan captured the city in the Battle of Singapore. Britain regained control in September 1945 before granting independence in 1959.
Politics
一世n 1954, Lee Kuan Yew and three allies founded the People’s Action Party, which championed workers’ rights and Singaporean independence. The party won 84 percent of the seats in the 1959 election for Singapore’s first self-governing assembly. Lee became prime minister, a post he would hold for the next 31 years. In 1990 he was succeeded by Goh Chok Tong; his son Lee Hsien Loong was appointed prime minister in 2004.
Believing that Singapore was too small to survive on its own, the elder Lee took the country into a federation with Malaysia in 1963. But tensions between Malaysia’s ruling United Malays National Organization, which favored a policy of positive discrimination for ethnic Malays, and the PAP, which had its base in Singapore’s Chinese majority, erupted in riots in 1964 and led to the federation’s breakup in 1965.
Economic policy
决心确保新加坡的自给自足，政府通过了出口导向的增长战略，出口商和跨国公司的税收休息。到20世纪80年代后期，最大的行业是计算机和电信设备制造，石油精油和石油交易。最近，政府鼓励了服务和科学：它在2003年开业的生物技术复杂中投入了5亿新加坡元（2.87亿美元），并试图招募国际知名的科学家。
人均收入在427年达到1960美元,是approximately half of Japan’s and a quarter of the U.K.’s, has since closed the gap; it now stands at $28,940, not far behind Japan ($34,600) and the U.K. ($36,900).
社会
政府而不是培养“熔炉”，而不是培养“融化锅”，以创造一个保留该国种族和文化多样性的新加坡的身份。有四种正式语言：英语用于政府，商业和教育，而普通话，马来语和泰米尔被认为是文化和价值的语言。亚慱体育app怎么下载
Lee Kuan Yew was a vocal proponent of so-called Asian values, a Confucian-influenced concept that emphasizes the importance of family and community over individuality, as well as allegiance to the state, hard work and social discipline. — Danielle Beurteaux